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Abstracts - Year III, no. 1-2 / 2001



REGIONS AND ELECTORAL DIVIZIONS IN TRANSYLVANIA

Voicu BODOCAN

“Babeş-Bolyai” University of Cluj-Napoca, Department of Human Geography, 5-7 Clinicilor str., 3400 Cluj-Napoca, Romania,

e-mail: voicu @geografie.ubbcluj.ro

Regions and Electoral Divisions in Transylvania . The political processes that took place in Transylvania had determined two major social cleavages, which decisively influenced the consolidation of the party system. The electoral stability in the region came as a result of the two main dimensions of the electoral behaviour: i.e. ethnic and social-economic. The territorial-cultural aspects and the similarity or distinctiveness in electoral behaviour, vertical or horizontal, allow us to attempt a regionalization of the province, taking into consideration nowadays political options but close related to the past political and cultural evolution. There are two categories of regions, differentiated by the two major conflicts: regions dominated by core-periphery conflicts on cultural-territorial axis and regions dominated by social-economical and ideological conflicts on functional axis.

Keywords: electoral behaviour, electoral stability, ethnic and social-economic dimension, electoral regions, social cleavage


 

Electoral attendance and its influence on the support of the candidates, political parties and groups in the presidential and parliamentary elections in Poland in 1990-1997

Elżbieta Kabath

“ The Casimir the Great ” Academy at Bydgoszcz, 15 Minska str., Bydgoszcz, Poland, e-mail: elak@ibngr.edu.pl

Im vorliegenden Artikel sind regionale Unterschiede in Bezug auf Wahlbeteiligung bei Präsidentschafts-und Parlamentswahlen in Polen, die in den Jahren 1990-1997 stattgefunden haben, dargestellt worden. Die Grundzielsetzung der Arbeit war, die Zusammenhänge zwischen der Wahlbeteiligung und der Unterstützung für die einzelnen Präsidentschaftskandidaten sowie Parteien und politische Gruppierungen zu erkennen. Die Differenzierung der Wahlbeteiligung ist im Klassifikationsverfahren, auf der Grundlage der Mittelwerte bei der Wahlbeteiligung in den Woiwodschaften, bestimmt worden. Unter Berücksichtigung der Standardabweichung sind 5 Kategorien für unterschiedliche Wahlbeteiligung (sehr gering, gering, mittelmäßig, hoch und sehr hoch) festgelegt worden. Nach 1989 schwankte die Wahlbeteiligung in den Grenzen zwischen 43,20% - 52,13% - bei den Parlamentswahlen und zwischen 53,40% - 68,23% - bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen. Das ist ein recht überraschendes Ergebnis, weil man hätte meinen können, dass der Beginn der ersehnten Demokratie und die Möglichkeit einer faktischen Einflussnahme bei der Politik des Staates durch die Wahlbeteiligung für ein hohes soziales Interesse und somit für eine hohe Wahlbeteiligung sorgen werden. Die durchgeführte Analyse der räumlichen Verteilung der Wahlbeteiligung nach 1989 ermöglichte die Formulierung folgender Schlussfolgerungen: man hat mit einer sehr hohen und einer hohen Wahlbeteiligung auf dem Gebiet Südostpolens und Nordwestpolens sowie in den (ehemaligen) Woiwodschaften: Warszawskie, Białostockie und Wrocławskie zu tun; die geringste Wahlbeteiligung ist für das Band der Grenzwoiwodschaften in Nord-, West- und Südwestpolen, von der (ehemaligen) Suwalskie (mit Ausnahme von der – ehemaligem – Gdańskie) bis auf die (ehemalige) Katowickie charakteristisch; eine sehr geringe und eine geringe Wahlbeteiligung ist auch für den zentralen (mit Ausnahme von Łódzkie) und den nordöstlichen Teil Polens charakteristisch; darüber hinaus ist dies ein Gebiet, welches hohen Schwankungen der Wahlbeteiligung bei folgenden Wahljahren unterlag. Die Angaben über die Wahlbeteiligung und -unterstützung haben die Berechnung eines Korrelationskoeffizienten ermöglicht, der den Zusammenhang zwischen der Wahlbeteiligung und -unterstützung darstellt. Als Grundlage für Schlussfolgerungen sind lediglich starke Korrelationszusammenhänge, sowohl im Plus als auch im Minus, angenommen worden. Ein solcher Zusammenhang ist durch den Korrelationskoeffizienten: a=0,005 (95%) bestimmt worden. Auf dieser Grundlage ist Folgendes festgestellt worden: bei Präsidentschafts- und Parlamentswahlen hatte eine hohe Wahlbeteiligung einen bedeutenden positiven Einfluss auf die Unterstützung von Kandidaten und Parteien der Rechten ausgeübt; bei den Parlamentswahlen: 1991 - POC, KLD, KPN, UPR, UD, PChD, 1993-UD, 1997-AWS, und bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen: 1995-Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz, Janusz Korwin-Mikke, Jacek Kuroń, Tadeusz Zieliński. die hohe Wahlbeteiligung hatte einen bedeutenden negativen Einfluss auf die Unterstützung der Kandidaten und Parteien der Linken (oder der weniger bekannten); bei den Parlamentswahlen: 1991-SLD, PSL-SP, 1997-UP, KPEiR, SLD, PSL, und bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen: 1995-Andrzej Lepper, Waldemar Pawlak, Leszek Bubel, Tadeusz Koźluk. im Jahre 1990, bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen, und im Jahre 1993, bei den Parlamentswahlen, hatte die Wahlbeteiligung keinerlei Einfluss auf die Unterstützung der Kandidaten und der politischen Parteien (mit der Ausnahme von UD). Die vorgestellten Schlussfolgerungen bilden gewisse Tendenzen ab, die sich auf der politischen Karte Polens abgezeichnet haben. Es ist schwer eindeutig festzustellen, dass die besprochenen Korrelationszusammenhänge bei folgenden Wahlen ihre Bestätigung finden werden. Das ist noch ein Beweis dafür, dass die polnische Bevölkerung von einer Meinungsstabilität und politischer Orientierung weit entfernt ist, und dass sich die politische Karte des Landes weiterhin in der Phase der Ausformung befindet. ROMÂNIA. GEOGRAFIE ELECTORALĂ (NOIEMBRIE-DECEMBRIE, 2000)

Grigor P. POP

Universitatea “Babeş-Bolyai”, Facultatea de Geografie, Catedra de Geografie Umană şi Economică, str. Clinicilor 5-7, 3400 Cluj-Napoca, Romania, e-mail: grigor@geografie.ubb.cluj.ro

Romania. Electoral Geography (November-December 2000) . The election took place on 26 th of November (parliamentary and the first tour of count for the President) and on 10 th of December 2000 (the second tour of count for the President). For election purposes, for those 17 699 727 electors placed on the permanent electoral lists, 15 240 voting sections were organized, at which another 152 sections could be added, situated in 88 countries for a number of 172 695 Romanians with suffrage from abroad. The presentation at the polls registered 65,31 %. After the counting of votes, the valid expressed votes represented 93,77 % for the Deputies Chamber, 94,22 % for the Senate and 97 % for the President of the country. At the elections, 68 parties, political formations, alliances, conventions etc. were registered on the vote bulletins for the Deputies Chamber, accompanied by a considerable number of independent candidates. For Senate, the number of independent candidates was 37 and for the Romanian President 12 people were registered. After the elections, in accordance with the stipulations of the Electoral Law (minimum 5 % for a party, 7 % for alliances of two parties, at which could be added 1% for every party entered in the alliance), five political formations participated, both in the Deputies Chamber and in Senate: The Democratic-Social Pole from Romania, with 36,61% in Deputies Chamber and 37,09 % in Senate; The Great Romania Party with 19,48 % and 21,01 %; The Democratic Party with 7,03 % and 7,58 %; The Liberal National Party, with 6,89 % and 7,48 % and The Democratic Hungarian Union from Romania, with 6,80 % and 6,90 %. After the redistribution of the votes to other parties, political formations, alliances etc., those five who entered in the Parliament reached the following number of places for the Deputies Chamber: 155 deputies DSRP, 84 GRP, 31DP, 30 NLP and 27 DHUR. At those 327 deputies from these formations, 18 deputies were added, which represent the national minorities (3,41 % from Romania population in 1992), excepting the Hungarian one, as a result of the fact that the Deputies Chamber reached 345 members. In similar conditions, the Senate, which holds 65 places, comprises 65 senators of DSRP, 37 GRP, 13 DP and 12 DHUR. Of course, the options of the electorate in the territory were rather different from one place to another, as compared with the situation at a national level. In this respect there is the possibility to spotlight some more significant aspects. Thus, the DSRP registered the best results in the counties situated in the Eastern and Southern part of Romania, while DHUR gathered the maximum number of votes in Harghita, Covasna, Mureş, Satu Mare, Bihor Counties, as a result of the Hungarian population repartion. DP and NLP managed to sum up more votes in counties from Transylvania, Banat, Crişana-Maramureş and Dobrogea. For the election of the Romanian President, at the first tour of count 12 candidates were registered. The first two places were hold by Ion Iliescu, with 36,35 %, followed by Corneliu Vadim Tudor, with 28,35 % and four other candidates who achieved percentages beginning with 11,78 % (Theodor-Dumitru Stolojan) to 2,99 % (Petre Roman). The candidates situated on the 7-12 places were not able to gather as

many votes as signatures declared at the candidateship's registration. The last one (Niculae Cerveni) managed to obtain only 31 982 options of the electorate. For the second tour of count, the total number of electors reached 17 711 757 citizens with suffrage, according to the permanent electoral lists, from which a number of 10 184 715 persons came to the polls (57,50 %, the total of votes valid expressed being 10 020 870 (98,39 %). A percentage of 66,83 % from the votes were won by Ion Iliescu, and the rest of 33,17 % by Corneliu Vadim Tudor. From the statistics results that I. Iliescu added 30,48 % at the percentage obtained in the first tour (as a consequence of the Hungarian population voting in the lump), while C. V. Tudor a reached a similar result only in a proportion of 4,82 %. Territorially, I. Iliescu won the elections from the second tour in all the Romania's counties, excepting Bistriţa-Năsăud (45,44 %). The results exceeding the national average were registered in Muntenia (70,79 %) and Moldova (69,97 %) which hold more than 50 % from the total of the votes valid expressed, in Crişana-Maramureş, Transylvania and Oltenia the percentage exceeded 63 %, while Banat achieved a percentage a little lower than 60 % (according to the table 3). The second candidate, respectively C. V. Tudor, obtained more than 50 % from the options of the electors from Bistriţa-Năsăud County (54,56 %). The results that exceeded the national value of voting were to be found in Banat (41,29 %), Dobrogea (38.72 %), Transylvania (36,32 %) and Oltenia (36,24 %).

Keywords: Romania, Electoral Geography, Presidential Election, Parliamentary election


 

ETHNIC MINORITIES IN POLAND IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIO-POLITICAL BEHAVIOUR PATTERNS

Roman M ATYKOWSKI

Institute of Socio-Economic Geography and Space Economy, Adam Mickiewicz University of Poznań, Fredry 10, 61-701 Poznań, Poland , e-mail: mat@amu.edu.pl After the Second World War there was a substantial redrawing of the frontiers and a change of territory: Poland lost its 'Eastern Territories' inhabited by Ukrainians, Belarusians, Poles, and Jews to the Soviet republics, while it gained new 'Western Territories' from Germany on the strength of the 1945 decision of the four powers in Potsdam. These territorial changes and the Potsdam provisions concerning the transfer of Germans made the Polish authorities decide to change Poland into a mono-ethnic state. By the latest census based on the 1946 declarations of ethnicity, Poles constituted 85.7% of the total population, while at the start of the 1950s Poland was considered an extremely homogeneous country ethnically with 98% of Poles. In the years 1944-1950 about 3.2 million Germans left Poland, as well as 520 thousand Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians (to the USSR on the basis of Polish-Soviet agreements), and 200 thousand Jews


 

POLITICAL parties AND ORGANIZATIONS CONSTITUTED ON ETHNIC CRITERIA AFTER 1990 IN THE ROMANIAN POLITICAL LIFE

Alexandru ILIEŞ

University of Oradea, Department of Geography and Territorial Planning, 5 Armata Română str., 3700 Oradea, Romania,

e-mail: ilies@ hs.uoradea.ro

Voicu BODOCAN

“Babeş-Bolyai” University of Cluj-Napoca, Department of Human Geography, 5-7 Clinicilor str., 3400 Cluj-Napoca, Romania, e-mail: voicu @geografie.ubbcluj.ro

Abstract: Political Parties and Organizations Constituted on Ethnic Criteria, after 1990, in the Political Life of Romania. The changes that took place in the Romanian political life after 1989 were in favour of the political pluralism, a new concept for most of the population. Beside historical parties, that is those that had an intense political life during the inter-war period, parties and organizations constituted on ethnic criteria reappeared on the political stage after 1990. They represented over 17 ethnic minorities. Thus after 10 years of democracy within Romanian political life each ethnic group has the full freedom of organization on a political level and a possibility to overpass the minimal electoral threshold (1.237 votes in 2000) and send one representative member in the Parliament of Romania.

Key words: electoral life, political party, Romania, minorities, organizations.


 

Regional differentiation of electoral behaviour in countries of Central and Eastern Europe as the effect of the “civilisation clash”

Mariusz Kowalski

Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organisation, Poland, e-mail: mar.kow@twarda.pan.pl

In vielen mittel – und osteuropaeischen Staaten (Ukraine, Weissrussland, Rumaenien, Deuschland und Poland) ist eine deutliche Aehnlichkeit im Charakter der politischen Trennungen auffallend. Man kannn annehmen, es handle sich um eine fuer die Mittel – und Osteuropa relativ universale Erscheinung. Sie ist wahrscheinlich Folge des Grenzcharakters von diesem Europateil und der Tatsache, dass man hier im Unterchied zum Westteil des kontinentes, eine sterke raeumiche Differenzierung im Sinne von gegeseitligem Austausch verschiedenen Zivilisationsqualitaeten beobachten kannnn.

Key words : Central and Eastern Europe, different civilisations, elections.


 

THE ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR OF MINORITIES SITUATED IN THE NORTH-WESTERN PART OF ROMANIA AT THE COUNTY COUNCILS AFTER 1990

Marcu STASAC

University of Oradea, Department of Geography, 5 Armata Romana str., 3700 ORADEA, Romania, e-mail: marcu _stasac @yahoo.com

Ioana JOSAN

University of Oradea, Department of Geography, 5 Armata Romana str., 3700 ORADEA, Romania, e-mail: ioanajosan@yahoo.co.uk

Marin ILIES

University College of Sighetu Marmatiei, 16 Iuliu Maniu str., 4925 Sighetu Marmatiei, Romania, e-mail: marinilies@hotmail.com

The Electoral Behaviour of Minorities from the North-Western Part of Romania at the Elections for the County Councils after 1990 . The County Council elections, considered ‘local Parliaments' and with an important role as regards the political and economic decision in all rural and urban circumscriptions, is of a great interest for the population situated in a certain area. This situation is due to the fact that this forum has a great independence as regards local decisions opposite to the central state's powers. This study is centred on the borderland area situated at the border with Hungary and Ukraine and includes three counties in whose ethnic composition there can be found, beside a Romanian majority, Hungarians, Slovaks, Germans, Ukrainians, Gypsies etc. We consider these ethnicities very representative in order to spot light the minorities' electoral behaviour within border counties. In this sense, in order to obtain counsellor mandates and implicitly to contribute at decisions taken at a county level, ethnic minorities were represented at the elections by a series of correspondent ethnic groups, among which we mention: The Democratic Union of Hungarians from Romania, Ukrainians' Union of Romania, The Democratic Front of Germans from Romania, The Democrat Union of Czechs and Slovaks of Romania, The Rroms Party, etc. As a result of the comparative analysis concerning the outcome of the elections of 1992, 1996 and 2000 we try to identify and define the particularities that are at the base of the identification process of minorities' particular electoral behaviour situated in counties near to the border.

Keywords : electoral behaviour, minorities, Romania, County Councils